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Research and Resources

McComish v. Bennett

Published on June 23, 2009

Amicus brief of the Center for Competitive Politics in the Arizona "matching funds" case.
more >

Sampson v. Buescher, 10th Cir.

Published on March 5, 2009

Amicus brief of the Center for Competitive Politics in the Parker North case: Karen Sampson, Becky Cornwell and several others opposed the annexation of their neighborhood of 300 in Parker North, Colo. The group was slapped with a legal complaint for violating Colorado campaign finance law.
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Illinois Reform Commission testimony of CCP Chairman Bradley A. Smith

Published on February 24, 2009

Written testimony of CCP Chairman Bradley A. Smith at a Feb. 23 hearing of the Illinois Reform Commission on the topic of campaign finance. more >

Special Report No. 1: Special Interests, Partisan Pouts and the Usual Suspects

Published on February 23, 2009

by Sean Parnell, Laura Renz, Sarah Falkenstein

A study of donors to New Jersey's "Clean Elections" candidates in 2007. more >

Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., Inc.

Published on February 4, 2009

Amicus brief of the Center for Competitive Politics. more >

Research Archives

Dedicated to Promoting Freedom and Defending the First Amendment in Politics

Michael Dorf on Citizens United v. FEC: Swung On and Missed

by Brad Smith

Cornell law professor Michael Dorf took a hack at the upcoming reargument in Citizens United v. FEC on his blog yesterday, but unfortunately, missed the pitch.  Professor Dorf attempts to argue that if Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce is overruled, the result would be that the Constitution protected corporate speech but limited labor union speech.  Professor Dorf makes some rather elementary errors of first principle, however, and it's worth it to head off this argument in the bud.

Click the headline for more.

McCain, Feingold on the FEC Warpath

File Under: Enforcement, Other

John McCain and Russ Feingold are together again, joining forces this morning to place a "hold" on John Sullivan, a nominee to the Federal Election Commission. The Senators claim that they have no beef with Sullivan. Rather, they are angry that the FEC just isn't behaving the way they want it to, and so they're holding onto Sullivan until the President replaces some other FEC commissioners with people more to their liking. It's a bit as if the Senators were to announce that they won't vote to seat Judge Sotomayor on the Supreme Court unless Scalia and Alito are replaced, too.

CCP's release on this development is here.

Senators, of course, have a right and a duty to advise and consent on a president's nominees, they have a right to withhold their vote, and they have a right to voice their opinion about how any agency should be run.  Still, the idea of holding up one nominee until the President replaces other people in government is a bit extreme, and the type of thing that tends to give Washington a bad name.  It even leads some people to conclude that the government is "corrupt," in that imprecise way in which the term is so often thrown around these days.

Although they don't specifically say so, the apparent target of the dynamic duo of reform is Don McGahn, a Republican who has been remarkably successful in leading efforts to alter various FEC enforcement policies and incorrect interpretations. Simply put, McGahn is too good a Commissioner for McCain and Feingold — he is actually effective, which would be fine if he toed the line, but since he doesn't do the latter, they've decided he must go. And when Fred Wertheimer (pictured here, between two unidentified Senators) talks, the Senators jump. As usual, the Senators' statement is full of platitudes and banalities about how the FEC won't enforce the law, blah blah blah. The Senators studiously avoid discussing actual policies and cases at the FEC, as that might make their case a bit harder.

Let's focus on just one case for which McGahn has drawn some heat...

Click here to read more

Institute for Justice releases 'electioneering communications' study

by Laura Renz

Too often, campaign finance regulations are regarded as incomprehensible and inapplicable to most people's daily lives. However, the Institute for Justice recently completed a study concerning the actual effects of "electioneering communications" restrictions on non-profit organizations and grassroots groups, and the results are troublesome to people everywhere who value First Amendment political rights.

By conducting a survey of registered non-profit organizations in Florida — which held the dubious distinction of having the broadest electioneering communications prohibition in the country (a federal district court recently struck down the law as unconstitutional) — the study aims to measure the actual impact of these laws on the day-to-day operations of small organizations.

The results are noteworthy — the reporting and disclosure requirements in these laws would, according to the non-profit survey participants, negatively affect their ability to fundraise (and, by extension, operate), communicate with members about relevant issues and more generally take valuable time away from the core missions of the groups.

The report thoroughly explains the results and is well worth the read, not to mention timely given the Supreme Court's recent non-decision in the Citizens United case.  In fact, the study underscores the broader implications and harm these restrictive and sweeping laws inflict on core political speech.

(click here to read more)

No decision, but more than a hint in Citizens United

by Reid Cox

File Under: Jurisprudence & Litigation

When this morning began, Supreme Court watchers expected the justices would issue their decision in the campaign finance case of Citizens United v. FEC, No. 08-205.  After all, last week, Chief Justice John Roberts had made it clear that this would be the last decision day before the High Court's traditional summer recess.  But instead of High Court decision, campaign finance aficionados got a big surprise -- Citizens United would be held over for re-argument early next September (before the Court's next term official begins on the first Monday in October, 2009).

Specifically, the justices ordered the "Hillary: The Movie" case to be reargued to address whether "the Court [should] overrule either or both Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, and a part of McConnell v. FEC, which addresses the facial validity of Section 203 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002."  Quite frankly, that's even bigger news than the decision that was widely expected to come down in favor of Citizens United today.

The re-argument order -- explicitly on the issues of whether the Supreme Court should overrule Austin, the part of McConnell that facially upheld McCain-Feingold's electioneering communications ban, or both -- puts the entire campaign finance community on notice that the Citizens United decision to come likely will be big and bold, also likely in an attempt by at least five justices to straighten out what has been a confused area of the High Court's jurisprudence.

Click here to read more about how the Supreme Court likely will be going big in Citizens United, cleaning up campaign finance jurisprudence in the process.

 

SCOTUS surprise in Citizens United

by Jeff Patch

File Under: Jurisprudence & Litigation

The Supreme Court announced today that it will rehear Citizens United v. FEC Sept. 9.

CCP's release on the development is here.

The 'public interest' and the 'public option'

by Brad Smith, Laura Renz

The latest "hard-hitting research" by so-called campaign finance reformers focuses on the very timely issue of health care legislation and is, of course, cleverly titled "Legislating Under the Influence."

Common Cause released the report this week under the larger banner of continuing to "expose how big-lobbyist money is corrupting public policy."

And while the report does a very thorough job of citing the amount of money various groups in the health care industry have donated to legislators, it fails to make — or even address — its supposed larger point: the connection between campaign contributions and lawmakers' votes. It also fails to place the amounts spent in perspective or to note the amounts spent by groups and individuals with presumably different views, and it lumps together individuals, PACs, and whole "industries" who in fact have radically different views on health system reform.

Rather, it relies on untested and arguably untrue assumptions about the nature of the legislative process and campaign finance in general, in addition to cashing in on the latest victory for "reformers" by quoting language from the Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co. opinion on the "serious risk of actual bias." 

However, it's important to note that Caperton was a case of supposed judicial bias, which is potentially concerning. Caperton has no impact whatsoever on legislative bias, which is natural and it's almost ridiculous to assume otherwise. How many politicians have no agenda or thoughts on major issues of the day? Voters expect their candidates to take firm, passionate stances on issues - not remain detached and as indifferent on an outcome as a judge. Perhaps by utilizing alarming language that would lead someone to believe that a risk of bias equals complete buying of votes, Common Cause hopes to distract readers from the fact that this report in no way proves that.

(click here to read more)

 

Common Cause Lacks Common Sense: Threatens Legal Action to Save Taxpayer Financed Campaigns in Budget Strapped Minnesota

by Ashley Barbera

File Under: Taxpayer Financing

Like many states across the country, Minnesota is facing difficult choices as precipitously falling tax revenues are creating huge budget deficits. Gov. Tim Pawlenty has made a number of emergency cuts -- referred to as "unallotments"-- in order to balance his state's budget.

Here at CCP, we're big fans of axing one of the programs on Gov. Pawlenty's list of "unallotments." The Political Contribution Refund program is set to end on June 30, which will save Minnesota taxpayers $10 million every two years. Under the program:

"candidates who agree to abide by state campaign spending limits are allowed to seek contributions of up to $50 from individuals and $100 from married couples with the enticing promise that the state will reimburse the full amount."

Click here to read more about how Common Cause isn't using a whole lot of common sense by threatening a lawsuit to ensure Minnesota keeps using money it doesn't have to pay for taxpayer financing of political campaigns.

Blog Archive

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CCP Briefs

McComish v. Bennett
Brief of Amici Curiae

Sampson v. Buescher
Brief of Amici Curiae

Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., Inc.
Brief of Amicus Curiae


Citizens United v. FEC
Brief of Amicus Curiae


Long Beach Area Chamber of Commerce v. City of Long Beach
Brief of Amicus Curiae

Davis v. FEC

Brief of Amicus Curiae


Shays III
Brief of Amicus Curiae

NY Board of Elections v. Lopez-Torres
Brief of Amicus Curiae


Rongstad v. Lassa
Brief of Amici Curiae

FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc.
Brief of Amici Curiae

COMPAC v. City of San Jose
Brief of Amicus Curiae

Shays v. FEC
Brief of Amicus Curiae

San Juan County v. No New Gas Tax
Brief of Amici Curiae

Neil Randall v. William H. Sorrell
Brief of Amici Curiae

Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc. v. FEC
Brief of Amici Curiae

FreeEats.Com, Inc. v. North Dakota
Brief of Amici Curiae

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